Американская военная машина. Глубинная политика, глобальная связь ЦРУ с наркотиками и путь в Афганистан - Peter Dale Scott

80. Catherine Lamour and Michel R. Lamberti, The International Connection: Opium from Growers to Pushers (New York: Pantheon, 1974), 190–92.

81. Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin, False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World’s Most Corrupt Financial Empire (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1992), 94–95.

82. William J. Chambliss, On the Take: From Petty Crooks to Presidents (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 153.

83. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 253.

84. Cynics have wondered whether Nixon’s initial overlooking of Asian drugs can be related to the funds raised for his election campaign in Asia by the previously mentioned “Committee of United States Citizens in Asia for Nixon,” headed by Chennault’s widow Anna Chan Chennault, for which see Renata Adler, Canaries in the Mineshaft: Essays on Politics and Media (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2001), 65–68.

85. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 457, emphasis added.

86. McCoy has since made this point forcefully in an interview with an Australian journal, The Sun: “Suddenly, as the French connection dried up, we began getting large shipments of heroin from Southeast Asia in the United States. The Vietnam War was over, the last of the GIs were gone, and Southeast Asia’s producers had a surplus capacity, so they began flooding the US with heroin. So Nixon fought and won another battle in his drug war. He sent thirty DEA agents to Bangkok, where they had special relations with the Thai police, and did a very effective job of seizing heroin bound for the United States, imposing a kind of informal customs duty on heroin exports to America. So, the Southeast Asian traffickers turned around and exported to Europe, which had been virtually drug free for decades. The French syndicates had entered into something of an agreement with the government: they could manufacture heroin, but they could not sell in France and had to export it. With the French Connection out of the picture, the Southeast Asian syndicates flooded Europe with heroin. By the end of the 1970s, Europe had more heroin addicts than the United States. The syndicates also introduced significant heroin addiction to Australia” (“Tricks of the Trade: Alfred McCoy on How the CIA Got Involved in Global Drug Trafficking,” The Sun, May, 2003, http://www.derrickjensen.org/mccoy.html).

87. Cf. my remarks about Newsday’s The Heroin Trail in “Foreword,” in Henrik Krüger, trans. Jerry Meldon, The Great Heroin Coup—Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism (Boston: South End Press, 1980), 4.

88. Valentine, The Strength of the Pack, 55.

89. Scott, “Foreword,” 3, summarizing Krüger, The Great Heroin Coup, 117–29.

90. Scott, “Foreword,” 4.

91. Alexander Werth, De Gaulle: A Political Biography (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966), 400.

92. Time, December 29, 1975; Krüger, The Great Heroin Coup, 4–5, 59–71.

93. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 457, emphasis added.

94. Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), 244.

95. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin (2003), 393. McCoy has explained to me that the original paragraph was dropped to make space for the new material in his 2003 edition.

96. Valentine, The Strength of the Pack, 53: Cusack “produced statistics showing that Turkish opium was the raw material for 80 percent of the heroin emanating from . . . Marseille.” Cf. Douglas Valentine, The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America’s War on Drugs (London: Verso, 2004), 468.

97. Valentine, The Strength of the Wolf, 370. Cf. Krüger, The Great Heroin Coup, 4–5, 59–74. Krüger is not aware of any link between Cusack and Ben Barka’s murder. However, he points to other misleading statistics of which Cusack was the author. Cusack’s false report that America’s addict population had dropped by 200,000, when it had in fact risen, is dismissed by Krüger as a “giant cover-up [which] hid the fact that Nixon’s heroin war was no more than window-dressing” (Krüger, The Great Heroin Coup, 171–73).

98. Scott and Marshall, Cocaine Politics, 4.

99. Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 50; cf. Scott, The Road to 9/11, 73–75.

Chapter 7: The CIA, the Global Drug Connection, and Terrorism

1. Alan A. Block, East Side-West Side: Organizing Crime in New York, 1930–1950 (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1983), 109.

2. Gaia Servadio, Mafioso (New York: Dell, 1976), 125–28; Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 174–77.

3. R. T. Naylor, Hot Money and the Politics of Debt (New York: Linden/Simon and Schuster, 1987), 295 (“laundromat”). For Helliwell’s ownership, see Alan A. Block, Masters of Paradise (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1991), 165–66.

4. CIA Memo dated April 24, 1974, “RYBAT/JMSPUR/PLVWCADET Traffic Removed from C/WHD Personal Files during Watergate File Search. Traffic can be found in sealed sensitive envelope in safe No. 1322 located in WH/COG, Room 3D46,” NARA #104-10095-10326. C/WHD (Chief of Western Hemisphere Division) in 1974 was Theodore Shackley, discussed later. All the CIA and FBI documents discussed in this chapter can be seen on the Mary Ferrell website at http://www.maryferrell.org.

5. Block, Masters of Paradise, 161–62, 166.

6. Alan Block subsequently learned that it was the bank’s cofounder, Chicago lawyer “Burt Kanter, more so than Helliwell, who was instrumental in Castle’s formation.” He cites speculation that it was originally set up on behalf of the former Cleveland mob racketeer Morris Kleinman (Block, Masters of Paradise, 172).

7. Jim Drinkhall, “IRS vs. CIA: Big Tax Investigation Was Quietly Scuttled by Intelligence Agency,” Wall Street Journal, April 18, 1980.

8. Drinkhall, “IRS vs. CIA.”

9. Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books/Chicago Review Press, 2003), 168–74; Block, Masters of Paradise, 169 (Thai police).

10. Alan A. Block and Constance A. Weaver,